Showing posts with label cyber operations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label cyber operations. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Cyber Warfare a WMD?

Some comments on the BBC story on USCybercom, which I picked up from USCybercom Watch:
"Not everyone is convinced of USCybercom's military value. One US official at the London conference said that if cyber warfare was a WMD it was only a weapon of "mass disruption, not destruction"."
Only, indeed. While I agree that the effect of cyber warfare is more disruptive than destructive, I cannot agree with the implication this quote seems to make. Just because you cannot blow things up with something does not mean that it is not important. ENIGMA, anyone? Actually, the example by Professor Kuehl in the beginning (bomb v cyber op) illustrates the benefit of cyber very well.

Secondly, military value does not equal WMD. Infantry is not considered a WMD, so surely it cannot have military value? Clearly, this is nonsense. However, I am afraid I am doing injustice to the unnamed speaker at the conference, who may have had something entirely different in mind.

Thirdly, let's forget about the whole WMD thing. It overly complicates issues by raising emotions from nothing. Cyber operations can and do happen every day and and we do not see "mass destruction" in the headlines. Yes, in theory, a cyber attack could have global and devastating effects (for example, by creating a cascading failure in the power grid), but this is a fringe case. Most cyber operations would be far more limited in scope, aiming for operational/strategic effects through tactical level cyber operations. And as for battlefield damage, cyber operations are perhaps best viewed as a way to maximise the effects of kinetic/thermic/EM weapons.

Monday, March 8, 2010

On offensive operations in cyberspace

This year started out in full gear for me and it seems that this is the first week where I can take a breath and write down some of my thoughts.

Last week I was invited to give a talk at one of many cyber defence/IA related conferences in Europe. As is often the case, the question of offensive cyber operations came up. It seems that whenever this happens, the automatic (and politically correct) answer is: well, the military can't plan an offensive cyber campaign, because most likely they will not be able to identify the actor behind the incoming cyber attacks (the attribution problem). They are right, counterattacks in cyberspace can be tricky.

However, this misses the point completely. Who says that cyber operations have to be symmetric (targeting only cyber aggressors with cyber ops). There is every reason for the military to plan and prepare offensive cyber operations for various military situations. When a military is deployed to fight someone, then the target should already be identified and is not necessarily limited to cyber operatives.

It makes sense to consider different ways to achieve a military objective: aerial bombardment, naval blockade, precision drone strikes, landing a division of Marines, cutting off C2 with cyber attacks, jamming radio communication with EW, threatening with nukes, etc. In fact, according to the principle of least harm, it is consceivable that the commander should FAVOR cyber attacks over more lethal options, if the end result is the same.

There is no good reason to limit the options of the commanders in the doctrine-writing phase between conflicts. Sure, there are legal issues, attribution issues, collateral damage issues and so on - as is the case with drone strikes, for example. And yet the drones are in the sky today. It just shows that where there is a will, there is also a way.

The only real counterargument for offensive cyber is that we don't want to see it on the battlefield (like nukes, bio and chem). However, clearly this is a Genie that we cannot force back into a bottle. Potential adversaries, both state and non-state are already using cyber attacks on a daily basis. Therefore, it makes sense to include this option in the play book of the commanders of the future.

It should be noted that I am not advocating military use of cyber attacks on a daily basis, but only in conflict situations and against "legal" targets. I am also aware that the whole "legal" issue is far from solved and most likely will not be solved in any reasonable timeframe.

Monday, November 16, 2009

Shane Harris - The Cyberwar Plan

Shane Harris has an interesting article in the National Journal. The main punchline seems to be that in 2007 US performed a cyber operation against insurgents in Iraq (and is planning to fight in cyberspace in the future, as well). Specifically:
"At the request of his national intelligence director, Bush ordered an NSA cyberattack on the cellular phones and computers that insurgents in Iraq were using to plan roadside bombings. The devices allowed the fighters to coordinate their strikes and, later, post videos of the attacks on the Internet to recruit followers. According to a former senior administration official who was present at an Oval Office meeting when the president authorized the attack, the operation helped U.S. forces to commandeer the Iraqi fighters'communications system. With this capability, the Americans could deceive their adversaries with false information, including messages to lead unwitting insurgents into the fire of waiting U.S. soldiers."

As is the tradition with revelations like this, in the end, there are no easily verifiable facts and the story itself is deniable, if necessary. On the other hand, it does say out loud what many others have omitted to so far and brings a clearly understandable example of the potential use of cyber power.

The article gives a very nice overview of many of the problems in cyber, such as finding and retaining personnel for the cyber force, attributing attacks to a state, potential escalation of the conflict to include third parties, collateral damage etc. One of the problems is the interdependency between civilian and military infrastructure, well illustrated by the quote from an USAF official: "... Iraq didn't do a good job of partitioning between the military and civilian networks." We have seen that human shield tactics work relatively well against western military. Consider then that the mixed infrastructure is like an ultimate human (civilian) shield, which could be used as a deterrent against military cyber attacks.

In a way, this article illustrates the media bias in security studies. We (western media) have long heard stories and laments of Chinese, Russian, Iranian and North Korean evildoing in cyberspace - spying on government leaders, attacking opposition web servers at home and abroad, etc. It is rare to hear someone state the obvious truth that western countries are, in fact, often doing the very same thing. With that out of the way, we can get down to business of analyzing conflicts in cyberspace.

The article briefly covers the Estonia 2007 and Georgia 2008 cyber attacks. Unfortunately, he makes the wide-spread comment of "crippling effects" in the Estonian case, which I have tried to correct and explain here. However, he only uses these cases as examples to illustrate the problems of attribution.

He proceeds by illustrating one of the key reasons why cyber operations have failed to make it into mainstream military use. A briefing on the 1999 Kosovo campaign concluded that:
"... the cyber-operation "could have halved the length of the [air] campaign." Although "all the tools were in place ... only a few were used." The briefing concluded that the cyber-cell had "great people," but they were from the "wrong communities" and "too junior" to have much effect on the overall campaign. The cyber-soldiers were young outsiders, fighting a new kind of warfare that, even the briefing acknowledged, was "not yet understood.""
It is true - cyber warfare is not yet understood. Not even by the experts who are trained to fight it. There are very few examples (often anecdotal) of actual use of cyber operations to achieve military success, and even those are usually restricted to a very narrow part of the grand plan. Therefore, it is too early to say if applying the doctrine in large scale conventional military operations will bring cyber to the dominant position, or supportive, or just annoying. It will probably take a conventional, serious (life-or-death for the state), war between two technologically advanced states to really bring out the benefits and drawbacks of cyber war.

The rest of the article is also a good read, so I highly recommend it. I don't agree with parts of it, such as the MAD doctrine as a useful analogy (I've commented on it here), but it does provide a good introduction to the military cyber issues, especially for those who are new to the topic.

Wednesday, October 28, 2009

Centralized vs de-centralized cyber campaigns

The previous post got me thinking about some of the key tenets of the Chinese approach: the cyber campaign must be centrally controlled, executed by organic forces and have a tightly focused target.

Obviously, this centralized approach provides good command and control opportunities. It also limits collateral damage and I guess, most important of all, eliminates possible interference from volunteer actions (such as someone taking control of one of the key entry points to the enemy network and shutting you out). Historical examples also seem to show that volunteers are more likely to engage visible targets (web sites etc) that have little or no tactical value.

On the other hand, NOT using the volunteers (the de-centralized approach) denies you the use of a potential resource. Odds are that if a country has a developed patriotic hacking community, they will take part in the conflict one way or the other, so you might as well try to guide them to be useful.

The second argument for using volunteers is psychological. It displays public support to your campaign, potentially reinforcing the mindset in other sectors of the society. It also brings in small but visible IW victories, as press covers the "citizen campaign" against the opposing side.

The third argument would be the Fog of War. The patriotic hacking community can provide the smoke screen necessary to execute the important strikes against key nodes. Remember, if the plan is to concentrate your attacks in time and (network) space, they will become immediately visible. However, if you have attacks of various severity levels happening all the time the enemy may not recognize the significance of the critical attack until it is too late.

The fourth argument is that patriotic hackers can "prep the battlefield" before the hostilities commence, provide retaliatory attacks after the hostilities, target third parties and civilian or commercial targets while the state can deny any involvement. This supposes that there is an established patriotic hacker community in place, so the world does not necessarily consider there to be a direct link to the specific conflict.

Finally, political attacks by civilians as part of a larger conflict have no clear regulation and few legal precedents. If the host country is not willing to cooperate with the criminal investigation (not likely in a time of war) the attackers will remain anonymous and protected, while the state still has "formal" deniability.

However, as I have noted before, there is a price for accepting patriotic hacking in a state. Most pressing are the long term rise in cyber crime and the potential that they act against the state. On the other hand, if the decision has been made or if there is already a well-established community in place, one should consider the possible uses of this force. Because whether you plan for (with) them or not, they will participate in the fight.

Monday, October 26, 2009

Cyber Report on China

I got a tip to a new report on Chinese cyber capabilities [pdf] by Northrop Grumman. The report aims to provide "a comprehensive open source assessment of China’s capability to conduct computer network operations (CNO) both during peacetime and periods of conflict."

They start off with an overview of the strategic developments in China. Even though there is no official CNO strategy, the PLA is in fact preparing to fight the cyber battle. I found it interesting that they consider domination in cyber space a prerequisite for air and naval domination. This is a clear indication of its importance in the Chinese thinking. It also explains why the EW/IW/CW issue is seen as the forcing agent behind the "informationization" of the PLA.

Chinese writings identify enemy C4ISR and logistics systems as the primary targets in a military conflict and also point out that IW will fire the opening "shots" in a war. However, there is also indication that IW and conventional techniques can and should be used together for maximum effect. I think this is very important, because I have often seen the mindset that IW is something separate from "real" warfighting. Then again, the Chinese have thousands of years of experience to draw upon, so it is not surprising that they see the value of combining the two.

They also point out that China is very active in developing counter-space weapons (EW, CW, kinetic, directed energy, EMP etc.) in order to fight a potentially tech-heavy oriented opponent such as the US.

Another interesting aspect is targeting. Instead of trying to blanket the battlefield, the Chinese writings suggest taking out key nodes in order to provide opportunities for other forces to exploit the resulting confusion in a specific point in the battlefield. I believe this refers more towards EW and kinetic than cyber, as tactical use of cyber attacks would probably be difficult to implement.

It seems that the PLA is actively training to fight in conditions where CW/IW is a common part of the battle field, including special training centers and a designated Blue Force (OPFOR) regiment. In addition, several universities seem to engage in offensive CW research and education.

There is an interesting note about using EW/CW pre-emptively to deter an enemy or to limit the size of the conflict without much bloodshed. In fact, they seem to consider CW a deterrent second only to nuclear at the strategic level. I like the comment that CW is the PLAs longest range weapon.

Another key point that I agree with is that CNO is useful for damaging/degrading systems, but also for deploying PSYOPS/deception against enemy personnel, enemy supporters and the public in general. I have met some people who consider PR the one and only element of IW and I just disagree. With so many options available under IW, it would be irresponsible to overly limit yourself to use only one.

There is an excellent section about how the Chinese might use CNO against the US (military) in a conflict scenarion. I agree wholeheartedly that the logistics and C2 systems at the theater or higher level would be sensible targets to buy time for the PLA and to cause confusion among US forces. However, as I have noted before, the discussion here is limited to purely military targets (like in the US discussion), but in a total war the commercial sector may be the more important strategic target.

The following section gives a broad overview of what is publicly known about the Chinese CW structure. Of particular interest for me are the PLA IW militia units, which seem to be drafted from commercial and academic entities to supplement PLAs integral capabilities. The idea of using telcos and universities (for example) to create sub-units for the militia is perhaps not intuitive for the westerners, but it does make sense. You have people with the right skills, established relationships and access to networks and systems - all they need is a mission.

The second interesting bit is that some militia sub-units seem to focus purely on R&D. In order to understand the significance, consider if infantry (militia) battalion is likely to have a dedicated infantry tactics research and development platoon. This highlights the difference between the information warriors and the traditional fighters. The report also mentions discussions about setting a different standard (age limit, physical condition) for the cyber warrior, something that was also debated here.

Moving on to the independent Chinese (patriotic) hacker community, the report claims that around 2002-2004 the state reversed its previously favorable stance towards patriotic hactivism and as a result the movement has died down. This was not the notion I got in Stockholm in May, where Dr Xu Wu from Arizona State University talked about Chinese cyber nationalism. According to him, the patriotic hacker community is alive and well, albeit somewhat underground. He also claimed that the state was having difficulties deciding what to do with this resource, as it is difficult to control - something that I also predicted in my paper about volunteer cyber attackers. Dr Wu compared it to a double-edged sword, which can cut both ways. It is possible, however, that this discrepancy does not exist and the official cyber militias have incorporated a significant part of the patriotic hacker community.

The report then provides a couple of examples of recent attacks probably originating from China. There are also various examples of relations between the state and the hacker community, including state recruitment in the hacker forums. One of the more interesting examples is how a java language user group transformed into a patriotic hacker group over the EP-3 incident. This is an excellent illustration of how "cyber tribes" can very quickly develop into cyber militias.

In the following section, cyber espionage is investigated from the US perspective. The report points out that potential Chinese espionage efforts are a great concern for the US counter-intelligence community, especially in the light of the reactive cyber defense paradigms in place. They claim that there is a strong case for state-sponsored attacks, although it is often difficult to fully attribute the attack to a state.

The report includes a nice explanation of a targeted attack via e-mail to get access to the organization's systems. However, they include an even more interesting case study of a large data heist in a US firm. It provides a simple description of the time line and activities uncovered by the forensic team.

The report concludes with a comprehensive list of China-related cyber events between 1999 and 2009.

Overall, the report is easy to read and low-tech. It covers many interesting aspects of the Chinese cyber issues. However, since this is a public and open-source report, it does not go into too much detail and it may inadvertently include some deception information. All-in-all, I enjoyed it and it provided me with a lot of things to think about. It also confirms some of my own theories and thoughts.

As always, read the report for full detail.